I was interviewed recently on how fascism differs from state socialism. The interview is based on my article, “Fascism,” in The Concise Encylopedia of Economics. Listen here.
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The Impact of War
George O’Neill Jr. of the Committee for a Responsible Foreign Policy has been hosting antiwar events in Washington, D.C. for the past couple of years, including one last October when I gave a speech about the war on terrorism.
The transcripts of all these events are now featured in a new paperback and Kindle book, The Impact of War.
Other presenters include Larry Wilkerson, Kelley Vlahos, Louis Fisher, Doug Bandow, Bruce Fein, Robert Naiman and more…
Buttigieg: What a Silly Clown
Read the leftists at Current Affairs H-bomb him to death here.
Here’s another remarkable thing you’ll notice throughout Shortest Way Home: When Pete Buttigieg reports having meetings with people, it’s usually party bosses and advisers rather than ordinary voters, around whom he often seems uncomfortable. In a city that is ¼ Black, the most visible encounter he has with a Black constituent is an extremely telling one:
A big man who was also a deacon at Mount Carmel, the fastest-growing black church in town, he leaned back in his seat and shifted between knowing glances at his fellow firefighters and piercing stares at us. He seemed interested but skeptical. ‘I like what I’m seeing, and I like what you’re saying. But how do I know you’re not just another sweet-talking devil trying to get my pants off?’
It was hard to think of a good answer to that, so I kept on with the pitch. ‘I don’t know about that, but you’ll be able to hold me accountable for what we achieve from day one…’ You could never be sure, but I felt our case was convincing…
The fireman gets it: Pete is a skilled rhetorician trying to get people’s pants off. How do you know the fireman is right? Because Pete can’t even think of an answer to this extremely simple question. If someone asks you “How do I know you’re not just some bullshitter?” and you’re not just some bullshitter, you can say “Because I have done X, Y, and Z. I have shown that I’m a person of my word. I have clear plans, and I can tell you why they’ll work, how they’ll help you, and exactly what I’m going to do to make sure they come about.” If, on the other hand, you are just some bullshitter, and your entire life experience up to this point has been going to Harvard and working for one of the world’s worst companies, you will flounder. You have no plans, no ideas, you have no record of good deeds and community service. He’s got you figured, and all you can do is “keep on with your pitch” and stammer the word “accountability.”
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Update: I blogged too soon. Buttigieg’s not just a silly clown. He’s also a ruthless violator of the property rights of poor people — thousands of whose houses he seized and demolished in the name of urban renewal. The irony may be lost on the CA leftists, but it’s still very bad.
Update II: “he’s the type of person who would pronounce himself “troubled” by Barack Obama’s clemency for Chelsea Manning.” — what scum.
Exit Polls Split: Netanyahu Maybe Out
Update: No such luck.
IDF’s Chief Rabbi-To-Be Permits Raping Women in Wartime
Those damn barbarian A-rabs! Good thing our partners in modern Western civilization, the Israeli Zionists, are over there holding them back and stuff.
What’s Hapaning Interview
I was on Shane and Nico’s show the other day on the subject of the war in Yemen and the Israeli occupation of Palestine.
Israel First
Netanyahu says Trump labeled Iran’s Revolutionary Guard a terror group at his request.
I believe him.
But Why is the USA Committing Genocide in Yemen?
To placate the Saudis during the negotiation of the Iran deal, of course.
Now check out this insane recitation/rationalization of the facts by Obama-man Robert Malley:
“Why the U.S. got entangled in this war—and why a president so determined to keep the country out of another Mideast military mess nonetheless got caught in this one—makes for a painful a story. In March 2015, Saudi Arabia came to the U.S. with a request for support in a campaign it vowed to conduct regardless. After that, and although events took place a mere four years ago, memories blur. In our conversations, many former U.S. officials found it hard to recall what precisely the Saudis asked for, what specific commitments the administration made in response, and when certain types of assistance started to flow. Some, including one of us who attended the deliberations, recall a deeply ambivalent president who greenlighted U.S. support but insisted it be confined to the defense of Saudi territory and not extend to the war against the Houthis. Others don’t recall hearing about that instruction, and struggle to reconcile it with what the U.S. actually did during the war—including refueling coalition sorties and replenishing weapons stocks.
“Yet all agree the decision ultimately came without much debate. The reason, at bottom, was straightforward: Here was a partner (Saudi Arabia) seeking help in restoring a government (that of President Hadi) the U.S. regarded as legitimate and a loyal ally in the war against al-Qaeda. That government had been toppled by an insurgent group (the Houthi or Ansar Allah); although the extent of its ties to Iran was debatable and debated, their existence was indisputable. Plus, all this came at a time when relations between Washington and Riyadh already were deeply damaged by disagreements over the Obama administration’s response to the Arab uprisings and, even more so, its negotiations over a nuclear deal with Tehran. As Riyadh saw it, doing nothing would mean permitting control by a Hizbollah-like organization of its southern border, ensconcing a perpetual threat. Rebuffing the Saudi request at any time likely would have provoked a serious crisis in Saudi/U.S. bilateral relations. Doing so while the U.S. was seeking a landmark agreement with the kingdom’s sworn enemy could have brought them to breaking point. That was a risk even a president skeptical of the wisdom of Saudi policies and willing to call into question elements of the relationship was not prepared to take.
“Had he known how long the war would last, and how costly it would be, perhaps Obama would have reached a different decision. As his presidency came to a close, the U.S. took a limited and belated step to mark its distance, halting the provision to Saudi Arabia of certain weapons. Even these modest qualms are not, apparently, shared by his successor. If, under Obama, support assumed the form of enabling the campaign, under President Trump, it has taken the costlier shape of encouraging and emboldening those who prosecute it, framing the conflict as just one more front in the battle against Iran. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has claimed that the deaths in Yemen are not ‘because of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.’ Days later, the Saudi Air Force hit a Save the Children-backed hospital in northern Yemen, killing seven.”
To his credit, Malley is calling for an immediate halt to the war in the piece, but still.
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