Book Reviews

Lessons From the Rape of Nanking

The “Rape of Nanking” is a high watermark of imperial savagery, even in the context of the violent and brutal Japanese Empire. This frenzy of rape and genocide was committed against a Chinese populace after their government abandoned the city and the international community watched in impotent horror as a proud Japanese military conducted itself with dishonor. But courageous individuals defied gangs of Japanese soldiers, exhibiting bravery and moral dignity. In her book The Rape of Nanking, Iris Chang concentrates on the eight weeks of terror which in 1937 took the lives of hundreds of thousands.

Iris Chang faced both academic criticism and hate mail when The Rape of Nanking was published in 1997. The aggressive critics did not offer credible refutation to her conclusions and what she presented in her book. It was widely known that the Japanese government had committed atrocities during its imperial phase, including the months of misery that it spent terrorizing civilians and prisoners of war in Nanking. But the true extent and details of the atrocity had never been properly recorded until the publication of Chang’s book. Japanese nationalists immediately and shamelessly attacked the author, desperate to protect the legacy of an ugly empire.

Many of the sources in the book came from eye witness accounts including those who had survived rape and maiming, not to mention a series of confessions from Japanese soldiers who expressed regret after the ejaculation of defeat had allowed remorse to sober their minds. Contemporary news pieces also contributed to her research along with evidence in the many unmarked graves.

It was a crime scene of such a magnitude that only a government could commit, so terrible that it required thousands of willing participants, each using the uniform they wore as a shield from any moral culpability. A crime where Japanese soldiers used their penis and bayonet with such painful and deadly ferocity against babies to the elderly while boasting a Bushido code of honor. It was one of the many crimes against humanity that twentieth century governments inflicted on the world and its innocent. And Chang successfully compiled the evidence against the criminals of Nanking.

Outside of Japan many know that the Japanese Empire was terrible. It was marked with savagery and acts of cowardly violence against the unarmed and innocent. But today many Japanese barely know the details of the savagery their government committed. They understand that they were defeated and see the fire bombing and atomic devastation of cities as punishment for such.

While it’s acknowledged that bad things were done by some people in the Empire, the details and scale are often omitted. This is the pretense of all governments, especially from cultures steeped in pride. Iris Chang’s book is cold water down the spine of Japanese nationalists who cling to the romantic delusions of a better time.  A better time for their ancestors perhaps, but not for their victims.

Chang captures the many human stories of courage. An unlikely savior, humanitarian Nazi John Rabe, used his status and position to protect and shelter Chinese civilians from the savage clutches of the Japanese soldiers. At times he risked his own life as he stood between armed Japanese soldiers and the innocent prey that they were seeking to defile and murder. In general the Westerners who bore witness to the savagery reported upon it and did their best to save as many lives that they could. In all approximately twenty foreigners managed to rescue as many as 200,000 Chinese from the Japanese military.

The book covers the military incompetence of the Chinese army that led to the sacrifice of the city, with soldiers dressing as civilians in the hopes of fleeing as refugees. Japanese soldiers showed no mercy to the Chinese army once captured, murdering them in such a large scale that the nearby Yangtze river was full of corpses. With a perverse fetish for murder the Japanese soldiers ran a competition between officers to see who could behead the most Chinese prisoners while others were used for bayonet practice.

The photos inside the book reveal frozen moments of horror, a morbid memento of vulgar savagery as young women lay splayed naked, having been raped and then mutilated to death by the soldiers of Japan. One photo shows a bayonet still deeply embedded inside a dead victim’s vagina along with an image of many severed heads. Another photo is of Chinese civilians bound and coiled in fear as Japanese soldiers, under the guise of training, plunge bayonets into them with sadistic malice. Others of children who had their heads doused in gasoline and then set alight. Chang no doubt came across scores of other photos (many taken by official Japanese government photographers), though the ones contained in the book only add a sickening weight to the written accounts, a frozen reminder of what men are capable of.

Acts of individual courage were exhibited by those like Li Xuuyin, a pregnant eighteen-year-old who fought off several Japanese soldiers with her bare hands. Determined not to be raped, she suffered thirty-seven bayonet wounds before she was left for dead by her tormentors. It would take several months for Li to recover but she would go on to live a long life as a grandmother. And Dr. Robert Wilson, the lone surgeon in the city at the time, fought tirelessly to save lives with his volunteers and minimal resources.

The book includes the comptemporary Japanese critics of the atrocity, including from official photojournalists reporting what they witnessed with revulsion and numbness, unable to stop events only to record them with cold honesty.

Japanese General Iwane Matsui was the initial commander in the operations around Nanking, and once reports of murder, rape, and looting had reached him did his best to scold those involved. He would then go on to tell anyone that would listen about the ill-disciplined atrocities of the soldiers in his charge. “My men have done something very wrong and extremely regrettable,” Matsui said in a dinner toast to a Japanese diplomat. Retiring from the army in 1938, he would go on to be tried and executed for war crimes by the Allies.

To curb the rape frenzy and prevent venereal diseases, the military hierarchy created the “comfort women” system whereby females, most against their will, were recruited to serve as pleasure slaves for the soldiers of empire. So as a means of reward and to control the deadly lust of its men, the Japanese government provided them with girls and women to rape.

As a book it is well written and edited, not just a compilation of statistics and facts, but a narrative that gives the reader space to digest information. Chang is a talented researcher and interviewer whose work gives a degree of intimate revelation to the lives of the victims which only makes the subject matter harder to swallow. You do not read this book to enjoy it or to be entertained but to pay respect to those who suffered and to learn about the shared history of the world.

The Rape of Nanking is a reminder that even when humanity can be terrible and cruel there are individuals who will stand up with courage and risk everything to help strangers. In her own way Iris Chang did that herself, a young woman undertaking the task to tell the many stories of a horrible history. Facing scorn and death threats, along with the brutal reality of the subject matter, Chang slipped into depression and took her own life in 2004. Her book is a testament to her willingness to tell the truth, to champion the lost victims of history, and to put faces on the forgotten many who remain lost and decomposed in unmarked graves.

The rape of Nanking is a crime committed by the Japanese government and the individuals who were responsible for the atrocities. But what occurred isn’t unique to the Japanese, and applies to all of humanity.

A Vital Book for Sane People

The top seller on Amazon for books devoted to war and peace as of this writing, Scott Horton’s newest offering, Hotter than the Sun: Time to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, is a timely must read. As Washington barrels heedlessly along into Cold War II, the American public badly needs educating on the current risks, past close calls, and the utter insanity of an entire for-profit industry built on the flawed concept of thousands of thermonuclear bombs as “weapons” that keep us safe.

With major papers like the Wall Street Journal and New York Times now regularly running pieces arguing everything from the need to show the Russians we aren’t afraid to fight a nuclear war—that we can even “win” one—to the idea that a “small” nuclear war can help mitigate climate change, Scott’s book is a vital weapon in the hands of the sane, convincingly making the case that it really is time to get rid of the thousands of nuclear and thermonuclear bombs in existence.

Because the truth about thousands of nuclear and thermonuclear bombs, the overwhelming majority of which are possessed by the United States and Russia, is immutable. Just as Ronald Reagan said forty years ago, a nuclear war cannot be won and can never be fought.

And forget even about launching a life-ending nuclear exchange on purpose, as Hotter than the Sun notes there have been plenty of accidents that could have resulted in exactly the same outcome. From the Air Force accidentally dropping a nuke over North Carolina to absent-minded technicians dropping wrenches down armed missile silos, careless scientists playing with plutonium rods to the Norwegians launching a satellite, the game theoretical strategic calculations that form the basis of US and Russian nuclear postures mean that an apparent threat or actual detonation on their soil would mean an almost immediate escalation to a full-on nuclear exchange.

Apart from documenting such accidents that nearly resulted in the deaths of potentially millions or billions of people, if not every single one of us, over the course of the ensuing nuclear winter, the book revisits past insanities. From the decision to test the first bomb, despite its creators’ real concerns that it would immediately ignite atmosphere and oceans, instantly killing everyone on earth, to only deciding to drop the first bombs on Japan in order to justify their expense, ensure continued funding for making more, and intimidating the Soviets, Scott’s book takes the reader right up to the present day, where Washington, having started an unnecessary new arms race by unilaterally ripping up important arms control agreements in the name of pursuing a first-strike capability and enriching Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman execs, is now in full panic mode because it is apparently losing.

But it is important to note, as Scott does, that “losing” in Washington’s mind is not being able to potentially threaten with virtual impunity anyone it wants: that is hardly a concern most American voters express, if any.

Important as the topic of nuclear arms is, the over fifteen thousand nuclear and thermonuclear bombs in existence being the number one short-term threat to humanity’s continued existence, Scott’s title frankly sells the book’s contents rather short. At over four hundred pages, consisting of several dozen interviews conducted over a period of nearly two decades, Hotter than the Sun is a critical primer on everything from diplomatic history to U.S. Middle East policy to the military-industrial complex, corporate lobbying, and a range of other issues.

From corporate lobbying for North Atlantic Treaty Organization expansion to Israeli misinformation about the fake Iranian nuclear threat to how the decision to invade Iraq was made to why any random Pakistani colonel on the border with India could end all life on earth, Scott and his guests never fail to inform, surprise, disgust, and alarm, with Washington’s misguided, corporatist, imperialist, or just plain idiotic policies usually at or near the root of virtually every serious problem facing humanity today.

Featuring interviews with Daniel Ellsberg, Seymour Hersh, Gar Alperovitz, Chas Freeman, Ray McGovern, Doug Bandow, and many others, Hotter than the Sun is a book worthy of your time and money. And this at a moment when any trip to your local bookstore or Barnes and Noble outlet is sure to leave you much poorer and much more badly informed about the world than you otherwise would have been had you not bought anything to read at all.

This article was originally featured at the Ludwig von Mises Institute and is republished with permission.

Lessons from Douglas Murray’s ‘The War on the West’

“We appear to be in the process of killing the goose that has laid some very golden Eggs.”- Douglas Murray, author of The War on the West

“[A]s recently as 2006, about 18% of social scientists self-identified as Marxists.”- Bryan Caplan, Ph.D., The Prevalence of Marxism in Academia (March 21, 2015, EconLib.org)

I was always ashamed to be a Westerner. A civilization, I was told all through my public schooling years, uniquely contributed to the world in the following ways: slavery, child labor, bad working conditions, greed, sexism, genocide, racism, McCarthyism, and a bunch of useful idiots for the 1%.

Recently Douglas Murray authored a book titled The War on the West in which he obliterates the conspiracy theory, shall we say, that the West is a uniquely evil collection of civilizations unworthy of preserving or appreciating having no redeeming qualities.

It’s clear how seldom people develop their default ideas or world views based on empirical research or abstract thinking. This is where the power of historical narratives comes into play. They (leftists advocating ’social justice’) strip away competing allegiances of families, churches, and nations. By poisoning the well of prevailing interpretations of past events (historical narratives) which give people a sense of identity and belonging, the enemies of the west then would have fertile ground to establish an empire of their own.

As Murray says, “The West was the problem. The dissolving of the West was a solution.”

Section One: Race

Murray explains racism as having to do with “dismissing people, vilifying them, or generalizing about them simply because of the color of their skin.” Consider a hypothetical: imagine someone says, “Asians benefited from Ghangis Khan conquering of land. Asian violence is evident in the mass murder campaigns of Emperor Hirohito, Mao, Chiang Kai-shek, and Pol Pot. Asians today need to acknowledge their higher income privilege and apologize for the crimes of their ancestors.” Any sane person should see this for what it is: a disgusting, cruel, racist, unnecessary provocative generalization which misallocates guilt based on an accident of birth.

All Murray is saying in this section is that racism is abhorrent and no double standards should exist for any group, including people of European ancestry. When I first heard this line of reasoning I was hesitant to accept the idea that a majority could possibly be victimized by a small minority; then I realized there are 535 members of Congress and 330 million Americans and then I could see how. For the record Murray makes clear he is not vilifying minorities at all, his primary examples of such racism come from whites: Robin DiAngelo’s White Fragility, American legislators, National Geographic, Jimmy Fallon’s studio audience applauding low white birth rates, and Michel Moore’s Stupid White Men.

Murray also introduces readers to the tragedy of Texas man Tony Timpa. I have witnessed this story alone change the heart and mind of social justice advocates, correctly switching the focus from “white supremacy” to “government supremacy.” I can’t recommend this section highly enough.

Section Two: History

img 0968In 1952 Samuel Kramer, one of the world’s leading Assyriologists, an expert in Sumerian history and Sumerian language, translated tablets which were found in Iraq dated between 2100 BCE – 2050 BCE. The tablets are known as the Code of Ur-Nammu, one of the oldest legal texts known to mankind. In the list of 32 laws, the word “slave” is found 9 times.

It turns out slavery is maybe the least unique thing about Western Civilization, contrary to vice presidential candidate Tim Kaine’s claim that America created slavery. Murray points out, “The best available figures, proposed by scholars such as Professor Ralph Austen of the University of Chicago, is that somewhere between eleven and seventeen million Africans were traded east in the Arab-run slave trade.”

Murray does an outstanding job explicitly condemning the evils of slavery, while making it crystal clear that The New York Times’ 1619 Project is a scam on stilts. The authors of 1619 equate slavery with voluntary labor saying “In Order to Understand the Brutality of American Capitalism, You Have to Start on the Plantation.” Classic contradiction. Its akin to saying: free market voluntary exchanges are rooted in violence, going to a persons house voluntarily is rooted in kidnapping, love making is rooted in rape, and The New York Times selling a book is rooted in theft.

There are great lessons to be learned from America’s founding. The existence of self evident truths. Humans being created equally and having unalienable rights no person or group thereof can justly deprive them of. Freedom to speak to develop one’s personality influencing the lives of others. Opposition to the state having a monopoly on weapons. Not to mention the English common law traditions dating back to 1215 with the Magna Carta giving us demands for proof, and a trial by a jury of one’s peers leading to the recognition of jury nullification.

Gratitude

img 0969The problem Western Civilization faces is resentment and the solution is gratitude.

A quote from the section reads as follows, “A great building such as a church or a cathedral can take decades—even centuries—to build. But it can be burned to the ground or otherwise brought down in an afternoon.”

Therein lies the source of the rage I feel seeing the indiscriminate destruction of property by mobs and states alike. It illustrates the difficulty and complexity in developing the things we hold dear in life while recognizing how easily they can be lost.

Point of Contention: From Section Two on Churchill

Winston Churchill is a hero of many people of goodwill, however I respectfully disagree with Mr. Murray on this issue.

As First Lord of the Admiralty on August 12th 1914, Churchill initiated a blockade around Germany starving hundreds of thousands of civilians to death. If this isn’t wrong, nothing is. He caused the Narvik debacle of 1940 which led to Chamberlain stepping down and Churchill being appointed, later losing his 1945 election. He initiated bombing of civilians with Physicist Frederick Lindimann’s “dehousing” plan as his inspiration. Enforced the National Service Act of 1939 which enslaved men ages 18-41 to fight in a war—the most horrific working conditions imaginable. He disapproved of Chamberlain giving the Sudetenland to Hitler, then surrendered the Sudetanland and half of Europe to Joseph Stalin in Yalta in 1945.

Churchill later wrote in his war memoirs:

“The human tragedy reaches its climax in the fact that after all the exertions and sacrifices of hundreds of millions of people and the victories of the Righteous Cause we have still not found Peace or Security, and that we lie in the grip of even worse perils than those we have surmounted.” (The Gathering Storm, written in March 1948, p. xiv)

Let’s continue to be the civilization we admire so much and lead by example, embracing the values of humility, compassion, and universal ethics.

Conclusion

This book is a phenomenal criticism of ‘social justice’ advocacy, which is the most powerful ideology advocating the ideas of statism today, making them the biggest threat to freedom, equality of rights, and civilization. This book will give you the tools to see through the propaganda of the press, politicians, Hollywood, k-12 teachers, University Professors, and corporate advertisers. I highly recommend it.

Why America Has Splintered Into Identity Groups

Many Americans are concerned about the splintering of America into identity groups and are bewildered by critical race theory, queer studies, the proliferation of genders, cancel culture, the claim that reason and logic are constructs of white culture, and the corresponding shift from classical liberalism to identity-based authoritarianism.

Other Americans believe that these are passing fads that will dissipate like former fads if they are ignored, or humored, or accommodated until they run out of steam.

The scholarly book below can inform the first group and disabuse the second group.

Cynical Theories, by Helen Pluckrose & James Lindsay, Pitchstone Publishing, Durham, North Carolina, 2020, 351 pages.

The book is a very important treatise on how the new thinking came about, why it is not going away on its own, and why it is destroying the bonds that hold society together.

The authors are pedigreed liberals and scholars with inside knowledge of the academy. They rightly see the new thinking as a threat to classical liberalism, which they define as “political democracy, limitations on the powers of government, the development of universal human rights, legal equality for all adult citizens, freedom of expression, respect for the value of viewpoint diversity and honest debate, respect for evidence and reason, the separation of church and state, and freedom of religion.”

In this, the authors have a lot of common cause with conservatives, libertarians, and anyone of any party who still values such political principles.

The problem is that the book is a difficult read, not because it is badly written, but because, by necessity, it has to delve into academic jargon and philosophical abstractions and concepts. Understandably, with the stresses of living in these troubled times, most people don’t have the time or interest to read a book that is about as relaxing as studying for a final exam.

As such, given the importance of the book’s message, this paper is less of a traditional book review and more of a formal exposition based on the book’s key points, for the benefit of those who won’t be reading the book. Personal thoughts are included based on my career experience at the vanguard of equal opportunity, affirmative action, diversity, and racial sensitivity training.

The paper is divided into the following sections:

  • Postmodernism Roots of New Thinking
  • The Mutation of Postmodernism
  • Social Justice’s Version of Scholarship
  • Queer Theory
  • Critical Race Theory
  • Intersectionality
  • The New Feminism
  • The New View of the Disabled and the Obese
  • Standpoint Theory
  • Social Justice Closemindedness
  • The Rapidly Spreading Dogma
  • White Fragility
  • Solutions

Due to the complexity of the foregoing topics, and due to the new illiberal thinking having its tentacles deep inside America’s major institution, this paper is necessarily long at nearly 6,900 words. I believe it is one of my most important writings, more important than my published book, my seven years of authoring a newspaper column, and my many articles in leading newspapers and publications. That shows how much I see the new thinking as a serious threat.

Postmodernism Roots of New Thinking

The roots of today’s voguish theories go back to the postmodernism of the late 1960s. There’s not a universally-accepted definition of “postmodernism,” but a common one is “a belief that there is no objective knowledge or truth.”

Postmodernism rejected the reason and scientific method of the Enlightenment, embraced moral and cultural relativism, and saw power, cultural biases, and the language of political discourse as the guiding forces of society.

Because postmodernism deconstructed all large social and political systems into meaninglessness, it resulted in cynicism and nihilism and tore itself apart in the process. But one aspect of postmodernism survives today: a rejection of both individuality and common humanity. In their place, postmodernism saw small groups as the only legitimate sources of knowledge, values and discourses—groups that have the same experiences, perspectives and values, due to being of the same race, sex, or class.

The Mutation of Postmodernism

Originally, postmodernism was kind of an intellectual game without a political or social agenda. Its modern mutation is the opposite.  It has morphed into what the book calls New Theories, which have the goal of reordering society, righting wrongs, achieving equal results instead of equality under the law, pursuing social justice for those groups seen as being treated unjustly, taking power from white men, stereotyping all whites as having conscious and unconscious biases, rejecting white ideas about reason and merit, replacing white literature and words with the literature and words of marginalized groups, and dismantling the white institutions and social norms that are seen as being built on colonialism, slavery, discrimination, and other injustices.

The book’s authors don’t say this, but revenge is one of the driving forces behind the New Theories; that is, the unspoken motive is to get even with white men and Western culture for demeaning and supplanting non-Western cultures and powerless minorities. Of course, the vast majority of those who embrace the New Theories have been born and raised under Western values, are the progeny of generations of Americans who have lived under Western values, and only have an imagined or exaggerated sense of another cultural heritage.

Not only that, but many of the theorists are whiter than this Mediterranean. One wonders if they realize what they have unleashed on their progeny and society.

Acolytes of the New Theories fail to acknowledge the self-correcting nature of classical liberalism and democracy, and they seem blind to the tremendous progress made in extending rights, political power, and economic progress to non-whites, women, gays, and the disabled. Nor do they seem to realize that the reason they have not been sent to the gulag or reeducation camp for their revolutionary ideas is because they are citizens of a pluralistic, liberal democracy and a constitutional republic with a Bill of Rights.

At the same time, they don’t say what political and economic system they see as a replacement, they don’t admit the failings of other systems and cultures, and, for sure, they can’t imagine that things might get worse if they were to rise to power. In their sanctimonious minds, they don’t have human foibles and are therefore incapable of governing out of self-interest and being corrupted by power. In that sense, they are reminiscent of idealistic Bolsheviks in 1917.

As will be seen below, their methods reveal the opposite about them.

Social Justice’s Version of Scholarship

There used to be a barrier between scholarship and activism in academia, just as there used to be a barrier between the news and editorial pages of newspapers. The barrier has been breached. As the authors of Critical Theories write, “Teaching is now supposed to be a political act, and only one type of politics is acceptable—identity politics…”

In turn, identity politics has led to the concept of “research justice,” which demands that scholars maximize citations of women and minorities and minimize citations of white Western men, because empirical research rooted in evidence and reasoned argument is an unfair and privileged cultural construct of white Westerners. Therefore, according to the authors, research justice establishes a moral obligation for scholars to include other forms of research, such as “superstition, spiritual beliefs, cultural traditions and beliefs, identity-based experiences, and emotional responses.”

The authors go on to say that this agenda is not hidden. It has been open and explicit for many years. No doubt, it was not open and explicit to parents who footed the college expenses for their kids.

The authors quote a postmodernist scholar on his theories about the role that language plays in constructing knowledge. In a case of ironic comedy, the scholar’s writing was so incomprehensible that he won second place in a bad writing contest for this sentence:

If, for a while, the ruse of desire is calculable for the uses of discipline, soon the repetition of guilt, justification, pseudo-scientific theories, superstition, spurious authorities, and classifications can be seen as the desperate effort to “normalize” formally the disturbance of a discourse of splitting that violates the rational, enlightened claims of its enunciatory modality.

Much of the writing in the New Theories is just as incomprehensible, and even when it is comprehensible, it is often incoherent, inconsistent, illogical, and contradictory. That’s certainly the case with queer theory.

Queer Theory

Queer theory is mostly about sex, gender and sexuality but can be applied to other subjects. It is a belief that language causes oppression when it is used to establish and reinforce what society considers normal, especially in regards to the binary categories of male and female, masculine and feminine, straight and gay, and so on. The goal of queer theory is to subvert or reject anything considered normal and to replace it with the queer.

Once again, the driving force is the belief that normative categories are social constructs developed intentionally or unintentionally by the dominant culture to discriminate against outliers. Therefore, it’s self-defeating for minorities and the disadvantaged to judge themselves by the standards and mores of the dominant group.

As with a lot of the New Theories, an ounce of truth can be found in a gallon of hogwash.

Science does show that gender dysphoria is real, and for sure, humans have always engaged in sexual practices outside of what society at a given point in history has considered normal. But it is not enough under queer theory to employ classical liberalism to extend equal rights to so-called queers. It’s necessary to go beyond that to make queers the new normal, to change the language accordingly, and to even put them on a pedestal as a brave new victim group deserving of accolades. A personal anecdote illustrates the difference in treatment.

Circa 1988, I was an executive with an old-line manufacturing and mining company dominated by macho, good ole boys. A male clerk in one of my departments began wearing female clothes as part of a gender transition. I quickly stopped the snickering by his male and female coworkers by asking them to imagine how uncomfortable it was from his perspective to be so different, irrespective of whether the difference was due to hormones, genes, or a psychological problem. Deciding what restroom he could use was a non-event, and the transitioning employee quickly returned to being treated as just another coworker. (In some countries, he would have been fired or maybe even stoned to death.)

Treating transgendered people this way is far different from putting a transgender on a company’s board of directors as a token to appease queer activists and to demonstrate to employees who have a warped view of social justice that the company is hip. It’s also far different from the radical idea that the majority should submerge its values or risk being called intolerant—and that children should be encouraged in public schools to be trendy and adopt a different gender identity or to change their identity at the first sign of normal gender confusion.

A similar shift to radicalism can be seen in critical race theory.

Critical Race Theory

Critical race theory is primarily about African Americans, who are also known as Blacks, with the “B” capitalized.  It isn’t really about other so-called “people of color.” CRT began with the undeniable fact that whites (with the “w” not capitalized) engaged in the slave trade. Actually, it was some white Anglo-Saxon Protestants, as well as some Portuguese and Spaniards (aka Hispanics) who engaged in the slave trade.

Another undeniable fact is that many other whites benefited economically from slavery and that racism continued through Jim Crow and continues today, albeit at a much reduced level. Still another is that Blacks continue to suffer socioeconomically as a group in spite of the Great Society, War on Poverty, voting rights legislation, equal opportunity laws, affirmative action, scores of welfare programs, and dramatically increased political power.

CRT’s basic premise is that race was a social construct designed to maintain white privilege and white supremacy. A corollary is that racial stereotypes and racism have become so ingrained in the dominant white culture that all whites, regardless of their ethnicity and class, have economic, social, educational, and political advantages over Blacks—advantages that are reinforced by white concepts of reason, science and merit.  Moreover, even the most enlightened and open-minded whites harbor unconscious prejudices.

Given that there is little genetic variation between different peoples, race is indeed mostly a social construct; but it is a construct that also applies to whites and other “races,” not just to Blacks. Also, of course, all people, regardless of pigment, harbor conscious and unconscious stereotypes and prejudices about people who are different from them. However, what’s unique about whites, according to CRT, is that they hold political, social and economic power over Blacks and other non-whites.

The solution, therefore, is twofold: first, to take political, social and economic power away from whites; second, to get whites to admit their advantages and to confront their unconscious prejudices.

Efforts to achieve the first goal include diversity and inclusion initiatives that prioritize Blacks over whites in hiring and promotions, as well as the elimination of quantifiable admissions criteria for colleges and certain professions. Efforts to achieve the second goal include CRT training programs in corporations and government, in which whites are confronted with their privileges and unconscious racism, similar to how people accused of being capitalists during the Chinese Cultural Revolution were humiliated and forced to confess. Much to the consternation of parents, CRT training has been adopted by many school districts.

CRT has established a Catch-22 to protect itself from counter-opinions and scholarly debate, namely that denials of racism and power by whites are proof of their racism and power. Such denials can result in whites being cancelled, or seeing their career ruined, or, in academia, being denied tenure and grants.

On a personal note, if I mention my work on behalf of equal rights, I’m ipso facto a racist who uses that work as an excuse not to give up power and money. Likewise, it is seen as totally irrelevant if I relate my experience as a teen and the only “white” on an otherwise all-Black janitorial and kitchen crew at an exclusive country club in St. Louis that denied membership to Blacks, Jews, Italians, and Catholics. The fact that I would wash and wax the big Buick of the Black clubhouse manager, Bill Williams, for extra money, and the fact that my dad was a non-union tile setter and the son of a coal miner, does not keep me from being branded as coming from privilege.

Because I’m considered white and privileged by whomever decides such matters, my opinions are discounted by CRT. It’s unclear how this is good for whites, Blacks, and society at large.

In the same vein, in a glaring double standard, it’s not okay to negatively stereotype Blacks but is okay to negatively stereotype whites. And in an awful and unmentioned development, white elites are now more paternalistic, more condescending, and more pandering towards Blacks than ever. An example is the proliferation of TV commercials featuring Blacks, who, except for skin color, resemble the idealized WASPs in the fantastical TV shows of the late 1950s and early 1960s, such as “Father Knows Best” and “Leave It to Beaver”—shows that had little resemblance to my Italian family or the families of scores of other ethnic immigrant groups.  No doubt, the commercials are produced by ad agencies staffed by wealthy graduates of the Ivy League, on behalf of corporate clients who are wealthy graduates of the Ivy League.

To a large extent, the relationship between whites and Blacks remains parent-to-child instead of adult-to-adult.  The former relationship results in dependency and child-like behavior. The latter, in independence and self-confidence. At least Malcolm X and the Black Panthers didn’t want to depend on whites for anything.

The relationship can be seen in the reticence of whites to level with Blacks to the same degree that they level with fellow whites. In discussing and debating current events, political philosophy, economics, racism, or whatever, they hold back for fear of triggering an emotional reaction and being seen as overbearing and insensitive. In other words, they tiptoe around certain subjects with Blacks.

The authors make an excellent point that the hallmark of critical race theory is a “paranoid mind-set, which assumes racism is everywhere, always, just waiting to be found,” and which is “extremely unlikely to be helpful or healthy for those who adopt it.” They go on to say:

In addition, interpreting everything as racist and saying so almost constantly in unlikely to produce the desired results in white people (or for minorities). It could even undermine antiracist activism by creating skepticism and indignation and thus producing a reluctance to cooperate with worthwhile initiatives to overcome racism…It is bad psychology to tell people who do not believe that they are racist—who may even actively despise racism—that there is nothing they can do to stop themselves from being racist…Worst of all is to set up double-binds, like telling them that if they notice race it is because they are racist, but if they don’t notice race, it’s because their privilege affords them the luxury of not noticing race, which is racist.

The same problems exist with a branch of critical race theory known at intersectionality.

Intersectionality

Intersectionality is the idea that marginalized people can be victims of more than one prejudice. It comes from the writing of Kimberlé Crenshaw, who used the analogy of someone standing in an intersection, where the person could be hit by a car coming from any direction or by more than one car at a time, just as a marginalized person can be a victim of more than one prejudice. For example, a Black woman can be discriminated against because she is both Black and a woman. And a Black woman who is overweight, on welfare, and a single parent faces five prejudices.

Of course, prejudices are almost endless. They can spring from such differences as race, sex, class, gender, immigration status, religion, disability, body shape, occupation, political affiliation, dress, mannerisms, and so on. But the focus of intersectionality is only on those prejudices that are deemed as stemming from power imbalances and that result in disparate outcomes.

There is a hierarchy, or caste, of intersectionality. A black woman ranks higher than a Black man, because, as mentioned, she encounters prejudice as a woman and a Black, while the man only encounters prejudice as a Black. In the same thinking, a gay white man ranks lower than a gay Black man, and upper-income Jews and Asians don’t make the list. Likewise, an impoverished, poorly educated, disabled white male in the backwoods of Appalachia probably wouldn’t make the list, even though he lacks political power.

Such questions and all of the possible permutations and combinations keep the intersectional labelers busy and in disagreement over what groups to include and where to rank them. But as the authors explain, this is all done in the service of uniting the so-called disadvantaged groups into a single meta-group of the oppressed, under an overarching metanarrative of social justice.

In the process, however, the labelers often end up in irreconcilable conflict about which oppressed group they should support. The book gives the example of minority beauticians who refused to wax around the testicles of a person claiming to be transgendered, because the beauticians’ religion and customs prohibited contact with male genitalia. In other words, a group that was characterized as oppressed was oppressing a transgender person, who was also characterized as oppressed. Curiously, the issue wasn’t framed in another way: that it was a form of oppression for beauticians to be pressured to shave someone’s privates.

Once again, the authors make an excellent point: “From the outside, the intersectional approach seems grating, fractious, and incomprehensible. It appears to operate like a kind of circular firing squad, continually undermining itself over petty differences and grievances.”

This is certainly true with respect to the current state of feminism.

The New Feminism

Feminism has gone through different stages over the decades. It began as a push for equal rights and equal pay, grew into a strident attack against patriarchy, and changed again by adopting a neo-Marxist view that capitalism was to blame for the problems facing women. It has now been hijacked by critical race theory, queer theory, and intersectional theory, so that the focus is on oppression, bigotry, power, and privilege—and on white women’s complicity in these injustices.

Women are no longer seen under these new theories as a sisterhood of shared experiences. The theorists even question what it means to be a woman, because what it means depends on their assigned identity group. This dovetails with the notions coming out of gender studies.

Gender is defined by the studies as a social construct in which people have been taught to perform certain roles and behaviors. While this traditional teaching can’t be completely done away with, the thinking goes, it can be questioned, disrupted, and replaced with new teaching.

Even the nouns “men” and “women” are seen as problematic, because people given those labels have varied so much over history and across different cultures.

Heterosexual white women in the new feminism movement are expected to defer to the perspectives and experiences of women of color, lesbians, bisexuals, and transgender people. But due to the specious claim of power imbalances, the other groups are not expected to defer to the perspectives and experiences of heterosexual white women. As with so much today, dialogue only goes in one direction.

The authors say that gender studies are losing their credibility for rigorous scholarship, because in deference to CRT and intersectional and queer theories, they have discounted biological explanations for differences between men and women in traits, behaviors, and interests.

A similar radicalism has changed how disability is discussed.

The New View of the Disabled and the Obese

As with so much else, disability is increasingly seen as a social construct imposed by the majority. Accordingly, the disabled are labeled as disabled only because they are compared with the non-disabled, or able-bodied. In other words, the negative status of “disabled” is imposed on them by a prejudicial society—just as other marginalized groups suffer from prejudices.

Those who think this way acknowledge physical or mental impairments, but they contend that disability is imposed on top of the impairments. It is the role of society, then, to adjust to the perspective of the impaired, not vice versa.

A related concept is ableism, which is an accusation and stereotype that the able-bodied see themselves as superior to the disabled. To that point, the self-described autistic, disabled, asexual, and genderqueer activist Lydia X. Y. Brown is quoted in the book as follows:

[A]bleism might escribe the value system of ablenormativity which privileges the supposedly neurotypical and ablebodied, while disableism might escribe the violent oppression targeting people whose bodyminds are deemed deviant and thus disabled.  In other words, ableism is to heterosexism what disableism is to queerantagonism.

Then there is Dan Goodley, the likeminded author of the book, Disability Studies: Theorising Disableism and Ableism.  He is quoted as follows:

I argue that modes of ableist cultural reproduction and disabling material conditions can never be divorced from hetero/sexism, racism, homophobis, colonialism, imperialism, patriarchy and capitalism.

I argue that the foregoing quoted statements are gobbledygook.

Additional gobbledygook underlies the attempt to transform fat people into victims of the dominant culture and to redefine obesity as a social construct instead of a health problem. This absurdity is an outgrowth of fat studies, which in turn are an outgrowth of the earlier body positivism movement, which focused on celebrating fat bodies.

According to current fat theory, the way that the majority speaks about obesity (discourses) reflects a hatred of fat people, or “fatphobia,” which is seen as similar to racism, sexism, homophobia, and other prejudices and injustices. In the name of empowering obese people, the theory encourages them to reject medical advice and seek support from each other.

The book quotes a fat activist as claiming that “Fat hatred is fueled by capitalism because these companies create products that are all about making fat people skinny.” The book’s authors respond, “If this sounds like a paranoid fantasy, it’s because it is.”

As an aside, the same capitalism has resulted in commercials that respond to the activism by featuring overweight women, including scantily-clad ones.

Another fat activist is quoted in Fat Studies Reader as saying that those who see their weight as a problem have been conditioned into accepting their oppression:

That fat and queer people would heartily embrace science and medicine as a solution to their socially constructed problems is redolent of Stockholm syndrome—after all, science and medicine have long been instrumental in oppressing fat and queer people, providing argument after argument that pathologize the homosexual or “obese” individual (whether the mind or the body).

Let’s move from this weighty topic to a theory that is a top cause of identity politics.

Standpoint Theory

Standpoint theory contends that people in groups of the same race, gender, sex and other identities will have the same experiences and see the world the same. It also contends that marginalized groups will have a fuller and more authoritative picture than the dominant, privileged group. Being marginalized, the theory goes, those in the first group understand both the dominant culture and what it is like to be oppressed by it. Those in the second group, on the other hand, only know what it is like to dominate.

Proponents of the theory don’t say that if the marginalized groups were to dominate, they would have the same blind spots as the current dominate group. Nor do they say that there are plenty of situations today where the marginalized switch roles with those who dominate; that is, with whites.

Standpoint theory goes on to contend that the knowledge gained through experience by marginalized groups is better in many ways than the knowledge gained by dominant groups through science and reason. Both ways of gaining knowledge depend on cultural traditions, but white cultural traditions are based on power and privilege, the theory says. This spoils whites and makes them closeminded about other ways to gain knowledge.

As a so-called white, my experiences over my life don’t match the theory. Two examples from my teen years come to mind. The first example was my first day of work at the country club mentioned earlier. My Black boss Jewel told me to clean the employee restroom in the dark, grungy basement, a restroom that looked and smelled as if it hadn’t been cleaned in years. Even at my young age, I understood what was going on and thus tackled the chore cheerfully and meticulously. The second example was my high school years, where I was only one of two Italians in my graduating class, and, unlike the preponderance of students who were wealthy, I was the son of working-class, second-generation parents, who somehow had managed to scrimp and save enough money to send me to the college prep school, where I was immersed in science, logic and reason.

Was I in a marginalized group or dominant group?

To answer, members of the white working class get no standing as a marginalized group in any of the New Theories. No wonder many feel alienated from the left and have abandoned the Democrat Party for the GOP or the Trump wing of the GOP.

Having explored the New Theories, let’s see how they come together under the banner of “Social Justice” and how closeminded social justice dogmatists are.

Social Justice Closemindedness

Social justice dogmatists brook no disagreement, because they are certain of their rightness and righteousness; and, given that they are so certain, they see whites who dare to disagree with them as demonstrating their privilege and racism.

This explains speech codes and safe zones on college campuses and what is called cancel culture throughout American institutions. Those who claim that they’ve been traumatized by racism and oppression all of their lives say that they are re-traumatized when whites try to assert their privilege and dominance by disagreeing with the irrefutable truth of the New Theories.

Barbara Applebaum is the author of Being White, Being Good:  White Complicity, White Moral Responsibility, and Social Justice Pedagogy. She equates disagreement over the New Theories by white students in a college class with resistance:

Resistance will not be allowed to derail the class discussions! Of course, those who refuse to engage might mistakenly perceive this as a declaration that they will not be allowed to express their disagreement but that is only precisely because they are resisting engagement.

The most amazing aspect of the New Theories is that the theorists see themselves as super-intelligent, yet they overlook some of the most fundamental complicating factors.

First, they don’t define “white” or recognize that over 100 unique ethno-cultural groups have been force-fitted into the contrived category, that many of the groups come in various skin shades, that many members of the groups have been the victims of discrimination and oppression, and that many others have recently immigrated to the U.S. and thus have no responsibility for historical racism in the nation. Second, they don’t acknowledge that due to an increase in biracial marriages and to centuries of different peoples mixing their chromosomes together, the “white” category overlaps with other racial/ethnic categories and is not homogenous.

Equally amazing, due to what has been taught in K-12 schools and in colleges, and due to what has been reinforced by the media, Hollywood, corporations, and government, most of the public is unaware of these and other flaws in the New Theories. This is especially true for Americans under the age of 30, who have taken what they learned in college into the workplace. It’s sobering to realize that they’ll will carry the notions with them as they rise through the hierarchy.

The rapid spreading of the dogma is troubling to behold, for it is reminiscent of the damage done throughout history when dogma of an authoritarian bent has spread just as quickly and gone unquestioned.

The Rapidly Spreading Dogma

In a latter chapter of Cynical Theories, the authors detail how the dogma of the New Theories quickly spread from academia to become entrenched in America’s major institutions, where it is enforced through intimidation, facilitated by powerful departments of diversity and inclusion, and applauded by idealistic and naïve employees.

The authors also give many examples of how minor infractions of the dogma or the use of an incorrect word have resulted in modern-day witch hunts, whereby miscreants are humiliated, shunned, canceled, fired, or attacked viciously on social media by enraged internet mobs. You no doubt have heard such stories and remember some that especially upset you.

The speed of the dogma’s spreading can be seen in the popularity of Robin DiAngelo’s 2018 book, White Fragility: Why It Is So Hard to Talk to White People about Race.

White Fragility

White Fragility is another example of an ounce of truth in a gallon of hogwash. Its basic premise is that whites live in a social environment that protects and insulates them from race-based stress, thus leaving them with expectations for racial comfort while lowering their ability to tolerate racial stress.

DiAngelo is white, so maybe she is projecting her own anxieties on the entire population of whites, however “white” is defined by her. Anyway, she goes on to write:

To challenge the ideologies of racism such as individualism and color blindness, we as white people must suspend our perception of ourselves as unique and/or outside race. Exploring our collective racial identity interrupts a key privilege of dominance—the ability to see oneself only as an individual.

Judging by her name, DiAngelo might be Italian. She shouldn’t be surprised, then, that my grandparent’s generation, my parent’s generation, and my generation to a much lesser extent, lived with such epithets as dago, wop, goombah, greaser, and mobster. At least that wasn’t as bad as the 11 Italians who were lynched in New Orleans. None of my family ever used the word “stress,” but the way we handled the insults was to use an Italian arm gesture that meant, Stick it up your culo! The Italians of St. Louis also formed their own community in a hilly part of the city, which became known as Dago Hill. It was a spotless, crime-free community of tiny bungalows and two-flats. Woe to any outsiders who tried to cause trouble in the community.

On another personal note, decades ago I participated in a three-day encounter session in the backwoods of Maine. Blacks were in attendance, including a couple of Black consultants who advised corporations on racial issues. One night the consultants invited me to join them for some beer. We drove in the big Mercedes of one of the consultants to buy a couple of six-packs to take back to our lodging. As the night wore on, they and I began ridiculing corporate executives for falling for the latest management fads, including the work of the consultants.

DiAngelo claims that American society is permeated by white supremacy and that anyone who takes exception to her ideas has a weakness resulting from being socialized in white privilege. She writes:

White fragility is a state in which even a minimum amount of racial stress becomes intolerable, triggering a range of defensive moves. These moves include the outward display of emotions such as anger, fear, and guilt, and behaviors such as argumentation, silence, and leaving the stress-inducing situation.

There are other possible explanations. Maybe they think that her ideas are hogwash, maybe they don’t like to be stereotyped as privileged and racist, maybe they’ve learned that it’s a lose-lose to discuss race in the workplace, or it could be as simple as believing that it’s impolite to discuss certain emotionally-loaded subjects with strangers, such as race, politics, bad breath, and body odor. DiAngelo would probably say that politeness is a white thing.

Memo to Robin: May I call you Robin? I’d be happy to discuss race with you and anyone else you want to bring along. Not only would I find it stress-free and enjoyable, but it might give me an insight into how in god’s name you sold so many books. My guess is that the sales have nothing to do with white guilt but a lot to do with masochism.   

Solutions

The authors of Critical Theories conclude the book with suggestions for countering the identity politics and authoritarian methods masquerading as social justice that are undermining classical liberalism. Courage is a prerequisite, they say.

They also say that counter measures should not call for the restriction of free speech but should call for the end of political indoctrination cum identity politics in public institutions. Such orthodoxy should be just as prohibited in public institutions as religious orthodoxy. Likewise, no one should be required to take a real or de facto oath in support of the orthodoxy or be pressured to attend CRT training or any training that portrays one group as racist, privileged, or otherwise inherently flawed.

I would add that both public and private institutions should be held accountable for violating longstanding equal rights laws that forbid discrimination on the basis of race, sex, and national origin. Also, they should not be allowed to mask such discrimination behind the pretext of correcting disparate outcomes.

The authors go on to suggest that the fight should be taken to the marketplace of ideas by educating people on how classical liberalism has improved, and will continue to improve, the lives and well-being of so-called minorities at a much faster rate and in a much fairer manner than coercion masquerading as social justice.

They continue by saying that opposition should be principled, and they give examples of what that looks like.  Here’s a snippet of one example:

We affirm that racism remains a problem in society and needs to be addressed.

We deny that critical race Theory and intersectionality provide the most useful tools to do so, since we believe that racial issues are best solved through the most rigorous analyses possible.

We deny that the best way to deal with racism is by restoring social significance to racial categories and radically heightening their salience.

We contend that each individual can choose not to hold racist views and should be expected to do so, that racism is declining over time and becoming rarer, that we can and should see one another as humans first and members of certain races second, that issues of race are best dealt with by being honest about racialized experiences while still working towards shared goals and a common vision, and that the principle of not discriminating by race should be universally upheld.

The foregoing is well and good, but I have additional suggestions.

Express your views whenever you see evidence of postmodernism, queer theory, CRT, standpoint theory, or any of the other identity-based theories in news stories, editorials, commentaries, or in government, collegiate or corporate pronouncements.

Obtain the author’s email address, if possible, to write a personal note. Always be polite, respectful, and tactful. Begin by complimenting the person’s professionalism and concern for social justice and equal rights. Then suggest that there might be a better way of accomplishing these ends, a way that doesn’t violate anti-discrimination law, exacerbate social divisiveness, and embolden extremists.

Never make it a partisan issue and don’t identify yourself as a conservative or a Republican. If you do, most believers in the new theories will immediately write you off as having a political ax to grind or worse. If you believe in classical liberalism, then identify yourself as a classical liberal.

Support your comments with relevant facts, if you have them, preferably facts from nonpartisan sources, such as the Census Bureau or Department of Labor. An example would be the fact that from 1965 to 2019, the poverty rate for blacks declined from 40% to 18.8%. Another example is that 8.5 million Blacks are in poverty, versus 15.9 million whites. Of course, Blacks have a much higher poverty rate and are only 14% of the population, but this certainly shows that not all whites come from privilege.

Use the Socratic Method, not to embarrass the person, but to reveal the contradictions in the individual’s beliefs. Below are sample questions separated into five themes:

  1. Since you referred to white people, how do you define “white,” given that race is a social construct and not genetically deterministic? Is the classification based on skin color/shade, facial features, self-identification, or arbitrary placement in the government’s official category?
  2. There are over 100 unique ethno-cultural groups that are force-fitted into the official White category, as well as hundreds of others that are force-fitted into the other categories of Black, Hispanic, and Asian. Where do such peoples as Persians, Turks, Armenians, Greeks, Albanians, and Sicilians belong? Should they be seen as the same as white Anglo-Saxon Protestants for purposes of diversity and inclusion? Are they minorities or in the majority? Or they privileged or unprivileged?
  3. What about the offspring of biracial parents? How should they be classified? By the classification of the mother or the father?
  4. What race is a Hispanic who hails from the Iberian Peninsula? Is the individual a person of color? What about a Mexican American who comes from a long line of Spanish aristocrats at the upper-crust of Mexican society? Is the person privileged or a minority? Would the person count as adding diversity to an organization in a diversity and inclusion initiative?
  5. To achieve diversity goals, is it okay for organizations to violate Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which prohibits basing hiring and promotions on race, ethnicity and sex? If an East Indian or Han Chinese is put on a board of directors for the purpose of diversity, is the individual representative of all other people classified as Asian, including Filipinos, Japanese, Koreans, Cambodians, Vietnamese, and so on? Are Mongols considered Asian? What about Russians from eastern Siberia? Do you find it hypocritical and contradictory for companies headquartered in such non-diverse countries as Japan, South Korea and China to run commercials spouting platitudes about diversity?

Don’t waste your time in trying to change the minds of dogmatists and ideologues. They have to be dealt with through the political system or by a personal decision not to do business with organizations that are dominated by them.

Alternatively, you can wait until the New Theories burn out on their own, as other utopian, illiberal movements have done in history. But that could take generations to happen.

Scott Horton Busts Neocon Conspiracies in New Book

Last month Foreign Affairs ran an article saying that Iran and Israel were engaged in mutual hostilities that could drag the United States into a war not of our choosing, and there was no mention in the article of the people who really do want the U.S. to go to war with Iran, the neoconservative branch of the Israel lobby. Last week Foreign Policy ran an article by one of those neoconservatives, saying that if the U.S. returns to its deal with a “rogue regime committed to Israel’s destruction,” Israel will likely go to war against Iran.

It ought to be terrifying that our supposed client state is escalating its attacks on Iran just as the United States is trying to reenter the Iran deal; and its friends in the U.S. are escalating the war of words. But the most you hear about this on mainstream media is Andrea Mitchell venturing to Jake Sullivan that Israel “is being unhelpful” to the United States with its attacks.

It’s as if the Iraq war and the neoconservative/Israel lobby role in pushing that invasion has disappeared down the memory hole.

That’s what makes Scott Horton’s new book such essential reading. “Enough Already” is the radio host/libertarian/antiwar.com editor’s meticulous analysis of how the U.S. “war on terrorism” has generated unending suffering in the Middle East. A million lives lost in Bush’s war on Iraq alone, as Horton said during the Israel lobby conference April 24.

And yet because some of the same well-connected actors are now pushing a war with Iran as a matter of supposed U.S. national security, they get a pass from a media that likes to say that Americans are tired of “forever wars.”

The strength of Horton’s analysis is first, exposing the roots of the Iraq war, in an entire political establishment’s signing off on a calamitous folly out of credulity in a half-baked idea of spreading democracy. And second, showing how the neoconservative vision, of the destruction of Arab capitals to realign the Middle East, only empowered Iran and put the U.S. on the side of Al Qaeda’s offspring in Syria.

I found the most damning statement in Horton’s book to be this: “Polls showed that by the time of the invasion, in March 2003, as much as 2/3 of American people believed Iraq had helped carry out the September 11 attack against our country.”

These days when everyone is talking about rightwing delusions and conspiracy theories, we really need to understand how such a lie became so repeatable by American leaders. And the neoconservative ideologues played a key role in that deception. Horton captures the vulnerability of the establishment to such a committed faction:

“The true neoconservatives have probably never counted more than 100 men and women among their ranks. But during the runup to the invasion of Iraq, they divided themselves almost perfectly into newspaper, magazine, think tank, and undersecretary positions across the national security bureaucracy.”

The neocons sought to topple the Saddam Hussein regime for years. Under Bill Clinton’s presidency, Zalmay Khalilzad and Paul Wolfowitz wrote a piece called “Overthrow Him” for the Weekly Standard. Then the next year, Robert Kagan and Bill Kristol founded the Project for a New American Century and immediately demanded regime change in Iraq, in a letter signed by Kagan and Kristol and Wolfowitz, Khalilzad, Richard Perle, Elliot Abrams, James Woolsey, and Francis Fukuyama among others.

“They succeeded in getting Congress to pass the Iraq Libertion Acti of 1998, which made it official American policy to seek regime change,” Horton relates.

The neocon logic was that toppling Saddam would strengthen Israel’s position. Neocon prodigy David Wurmser argued in 1996 that Israel’s primary foreign adversary was Hezbollah, and in order to weaken Syrian and Iranian influence, the U.S. should “focus on removing Saddam Hussein… an important Israeli strategic objective in its own right — as a mean of foiling Syria’s regional ambitions.” Jordan would then take over Iraq, and “Syria would be isolated and surrounded by a new pro-western Jordanian-Israeli-Iraqi-Turkish bloc,” which would help “contain and manage.. the scope of the coming chaos in Iraq and most probably in Syria.”

Horton says charitably that Wurmser was “hallucinating.”

Wurmser, Perle and Douglas Feith made a geopolitical argument that was just as farcical in “A Clean Break: a new strategy for securing the realm,” a paper they prepared for Benjamin Netanyahu in 1996 that imagined a reordered Middle East.

While in another influential neoconservative tract, “Rebuilding America’s Defenses,” the Project for a New American Century in 2000 argued for a “permanent [U.S.] role in Gulf regional security.” Iraq provided the “immediate justification” for a “substantial American force presence” in the region.

Neocons bought this “bill of goods,” Horton relates, because of Israel’s presumed interest. “Israel’s interests had always been the purpose of the neoconservatives’ advocacy of American militarism.” (Horton notes that Perle was said to have been recorded by the FBI for leaking classified information to Israel (per mainstream sources) “but was never prosecuted.” While Douglas Feith was fired from NSC in 1982 “because he’d been the object of an inquiry into whether he’d provided classified material to an official of the Israeli Embassy in Washington.” (Counterpunch, 2004)).

And of course when George W. Bush assumed the presidency in 2001, his braintrust was this neoconservative gang. Wolfowitz, Perle, Wurmser, and Feith all had policymaking jobs at the Pentagon.

By November 2001 Rumsfeld was working on a plan to invade Iraq and “floating proposed excuses for it, such as showing an Iraqi link to September 11th or the anthrax attacks, or an alleged violation of international restrictions [on WMD].” Rumsfeld’s plans included a Pentagon memo to “take out seven countries in five years,” among them Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Iran, none of which had anything to do with 9/11 or were allied with Al Qaeda. Another conspiratorial lie was that North Korea, Iran, and Iraq were an “axis,” working with Al Qaeda to foster terrorist attacks on the U.S. “It was just nonsense… a giant bait-and-switch.”

Horton captures the majestic arrogance and brutality of the American scheme.

The government was determined to attack Iraq “and they were going to come up with whatever propaganda was necessary to get the people to allow them to do it. It did not matter that Iraq was a small, poor country that the U.S. had already been bombing for 12 years straight, which had a gross domestic product the size of northern Arkansas, possessed no navy, no air force and no ability to project power beyond its borders whatsoever,” he writes.

Saddam was a secular leader and no ally of bin Laden. But the U.S. establishment was intoxicated with a faith in the use of military power.

“The Bush government and the media’s narrative was that the lesson of September 11th is that we must start all the wars from now on ourselves. That way, no one can ever attack us because we already attacked them first. This was just an excuse for aggression.”

Horton surveys the evidence and concludes there can be no question “that they knew they were lying about Iraq’s alleged ‘threat’ to America.” High Bush national security aides, Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice, had stated that Saddam could be easily contained.

Horton describes the political and psychological motive for the war: Bush wanting to prove he was tougher than his father and assure his reelection. Oil also had a role, as part of a “harebrained” scheme to privatize Iraqi oil and lower prices and break Saudi Arabia’s OPEC cartel.

The media was utterly passive. Broadcast media said that the attack was the “only logical consensus of the American foreign policy community,” Horton relates, though this was not the case. Broad segments of that community opposed the war, from the left and progressives to libertarians, realists, and conservatives, not to mention millions of American demonstrators. The war was championed by Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld and a chorus of neoconservative hawks in the administration and media. Those three officials had “stacked the government with the men [Bush’s father George H.W. Bush] had labeled ‘the crazies.’”

Neoconservatives and their friends dominated the Washington, D.C. think tanks, from Heritage to Hudson Institute to AEI to WINEP. In maintream media “they pushed ceaselessly for invading Iraq.” Among them: Kristol, William Safire, Danielle Pletka, Norman and John Podhoretz, Robert Kagan, David Brooks, Fred Hiatt, Reuel Marc Gerecht.

“The political right was joined in urging an attack by their counterpart liberal hawks, journalists and ‘humanitarian interventionists’ like Jeffrey Goldberg, Christopher Hitchens, Thomas L. Friedman, Matthew Yglesias, George Packer, Andrew Sullivan, Ken Pollack, Peter Beinart, Robert Kerrey, and the major networks,” Horton relates. “[Dan] Rather later complained that CBS had ‘regulatory needs’ in Washington, D.C., that he needed to consider before telling the American people the truth about the war.” While Tom Friedman has said he would do it all over again.

The broader Israel lobby also pushed for the war. AIPAC lobbied for it. Benjamin Netanyahu told Congress that Saddam had a “secret uranium enrichment program and…’if you take out Saddam…I guarantee that it will have enormous positive reverberations on the region.’”

The pro-Israel argument was rarely made openly. Six months before the war, Philip Zelikow, then assistant to Susan Rice the national security advisor, said,

[T]he argument that [Bush administration aides] make over and over again is that this is about a threat to the United States. And then everybody says: ‘Show me an imminent threat from Iraq to America. Show me, why would Iraq attack America or use nuclear weapons against us?’ So I’ll tell you what I think the real threat is, and actually has been since 1990. It’s the threat against Israel. And this is the threat that dare not speak its name, because the Europeans don’t care deeply about that threat, I will tell you frankly. And the American government doesn’t want to lean too hard on it rhetorically, because it’s not a popular sell.

As Horton says, “Nobody told the American people this.” We were told “Iraq was going to attack us with weapons of mass destruction if we did not stop them first.”

The national security branch went along with the lie. Perle, Kenneth Adelman, James Woolsey and Jeanne Kirkpatrick along with former House speaker Newt Gingrich and Henry Kissinger led the Pentagon’s Defense Policy Board, which recommended attacking Iraq as early as Sept. 19, 2001.

The Office of Special Plans in the Pentagon became an “expanded Iraq desk” run by a former Perle aide and staffed by AEI and WINEP “hacks” such as Michael Ledeen as well as the hotheaded Michael Makovsky of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs. The office would pick through CIA “trash” and collect tall tales from the Iraqi National Congress and “funnel the lies that led to war up the ‘stovepipe,’ straight to the White House and mainstream media in ready-made talking point format,” Horton writes.

Other neocons in power undertook efforts to “purge actual Middle East experts from their positions and replace them with loyal hawks from the think tanks.” While Feith and Wurmser helped set up a counter-terrorism group at the Pentagon that “pushed the fake story about an Iraqi official meeting with September 11th hijacker Mohammed Atta in Prague…shortly before the attack.”

It was absurd to suggest that Saddam Hussein would give unconventional weapons to Osama bin Laden. That would have been purely self-destructive. But Horton says one reliable count states that the top 7 officials of the Bush administration made 935 false statements of Iraq’s possession of banned weapons and support for al Qaeda in the year before the war.

While it is true that Iraqi intelligence had met with bin Laden’s men “a few times over the years…nothing had ever come of it, as the CIA had…repeatedly told the White House,” Horton says.

Joe Biden played an important role in enabling the Iraq war. As chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Biden and his aide Tony Blinken “called just two days of sham hearings on the question of invading Iraq,” Horton writes. “Only hawks were permitted to testify and serious experts who could have cast doubt on the cause for war were excluded.”

Biden, Hillary Clinton, and John Kerry, along with the majority of Senate Democrats “made the obviously political decision to support Bush’s war,” Horton says, while reminding us that Nancy Pelosi and the majority of Democrats in the House opposed it.

“Biden did not just support the war. He served as Bush and Cheney’s Senate gatekeeper and whip, guaranteeing a majority vote for the war in the upper chamber while controlled by the opposition party. If Biden had any moral courage at all, he could have stopped the war.”

All Biden would have had to do is bring in real experts like Scott Ritter and Anthony Zinni “to debunk the case that Iraq was stockpiling banned weapons or had programs that necessitated war,” Horton says.

Or Biden could have held up the 2002 vote authorizing the use of force.

Instead, Biden conspired with the White House to force the authorization through. He also continued to endorse the war publicly for years after that, though he has since spent the better part of a decade denying he ever did, lying that he only wanted the inspectors back in the country.”

Obviously Biden has changed, but his weakness when a strong political force was pushing war must give us all pause.

The neocons haven’t gone away. Their thinktanks continue to push for war, and they have publications to get out the word. “Dangerously obsessed doesn’t begin to describe this,” one observer of the rightwing Israel lobby writes.

The Capitol Hill riot showed that an advanced democracy is vulnerable to fake news and conspiracy theories, promoted by powerful people, in that case the White House. But the Iraq war was one of the biggest mistakes in the history of modern statecraft, creating enormous suffering and instability that has persisted for nearly 20 years. That decision was propelled by lies and false conspiracy claims—and it was approved by leading news organizations and politicians, including the current president. It is arguable that Donald Trump would never have become president, with his own regime of lies, if the imperial folly/horror of the Iraq war had not paved the way.

Joe Biden is not the only one to survive that error of judgment. There has been very little accountability at all for the Iraq war. The establishment that got us into that war is the same establishment that claims now to want to end “forever wars;” and many politicians, experts and media figures have little interest in any scrutiny of the record—with some insisting to this day that one of the biggest fabrications, the Iraq WMD argument, was made in good faith.

Scott Horton’s book is an indispensable contribution to the record of imperial madness. Its careful documentation and moral outrage are as much historical accountability as we can expect, for now.

This article was originally featured at Mondoweiss and is republished with permission.

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