How I Ignited Local Resistance to COVID Mandates Ep. 184

In this episode, I share with the listeners how I started a local resistance movement to COVID-19 mandates in my county. I hope you’ll try the same in yours.

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Show Notes:

Wisconsin Department of Health Services: Covid-19 Guidelines for K-12 Schools

Wisconsin DHS Releases New and Updated Resources for Schools to Keep Kids Safe

Wisconsin DHS Guidelines for the Prevention Investigation, and Control of COVID-19 Outbreaks in K-12 Schools in Wisconsin

Wisconsin DHS: COVID-19 County Data

Vaccine Tracker: Clark and Taylor counties at lowest vaccination rate in Wisconsin

PBS Wisconsin: Where is Wisconsin’s COVID-19 Vaccine Delivery Lagging–and Why?

Leader Telegram: Clark County Battling Vaccine Hesitancy

Wisconsin DHS: COVID County Data

Biden Pushes ‘Door-to-Door’ Campaign Targeting Unvaccinated People

Schools May Get Sued Over COVID-19. 7 Things to Know About Managing that Risk

Why Do Climate Alarmists Dislike Climate Realist-Optimists So Much?

F. A. Hayek, the Nobel-Prize-winning economist of the Austrian tradition, provided a possible answer to the question posed in the title. Although Hayek (1899-1992) to my knowledge had nothing to say about the climate controversy, his views on macroeconomics met with a similarly critical attitude from those who practiced economics at a level far, far removed from individual action. He too was in essence called a science denier, in this case the science was economics. Here’s what he said when contrasting the method of the natural sciences of “simple phenomena” with the methods of social and other sciences of “complex phenomena” (transcribed from an interview at 33:00):

All the things I have stressed–the complexity of phenomena in general, the unknown character of the data, and so on–really much more points out limits to our possible knowledge than our contributions which makes specific predictions possible. This incidentally [is] another reason why my views have become unpopular. Conception of scientific method became prevalent during that period [the 1930s, when he worked on his “pure theory of capital”] which valued all scientific theories from the nature of specific predictions at which it would lead. Now somebody who pointed out that specific predictions which it could make were very limited and that at most it could achieve what I sometimes call “pattern predictions,” or predictions of the principle, seemed to the people who were used to the simplicity of physics or chemistry very disappointing and almost not science. The aim of science in that view was specific prediction, preferably mathematically testable, and somebody who pointed out that when you applied this principle to complex phenomena, you couldn’t achieve this seemed to the people almost to deny [!] that science was possible.

Of course my real aim was that the possible aims must be much more limited once we’ve passed from the science of simple phenomena to the science of complex phenomena. And there people bitterly resented that I would call physics a science of simple phenomena, which is partly a misunderstanding because the theory of physics [runs?] in terms of very simple equations. But that the active phenomena to which you have to apply it may be extremely complex is a different matter…. [On the other hand, in “intermediate fields” such as biology and the social sciences] their complexity becomes, I believe, an absolute barrier to the specificity of the predictions that we can arrive at. Until people learn themselves that they cannot achieve these ends, they will insist [on] trying and think somebody [who] believes it can’t be done is just old-fashioned and doesn’t understand modern science.

The relevance to the climate debate ought to be clear. Climate realist-optimists often point out that climates are too complex–with too many interacting and moving parts–to be spoken of and “projected” in the simplistic way that the alarmists routinely try to do. So they naturally dislike when credentialed scientists come along and point this out. This is why alarmists outrageously call the realist-optimists “deniers” and worse.

U.S. House to Vote on Amendments to End War in Yemen

The House is expected to vote Thursday on two amendments (#28 and #30) to the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) that call for the end or limitation of U.S. support for the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen.

One amendment, sponsored by Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA), calls for the termination of all U.S. logistical support for the coalition.

The Khanna amendment would terminate “U.S. military logistical support, and the transfer of spare parts to Saudi warplanes conducting aerial strikes against the Houthis in Yemen and permanently ends intelligence sharing that enables offensive strikes and any U.S. effort to command, coordinate, participate in the movement of, or accompany Saudi or United Arab Emirates-led coalition forces in the war in Yemen.”

The other amendment, sponsored by Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-NY), calls for the suspension of the US servicing of Saudi warplanes that are responsible for civilian casualties in Yemen, although the wording leaves room for exceptions.

The Meeks amendment would require “the suspension of US sustainment and maintenance support to Saudi air force units responsible for airstrikes resulting in civilian casualties in Yemen with certain exemptions for territorial self-defense, counterterrorism operations, and defense of U.S. government facilities or personnel.”

Click here to find your representative by zip code and call them to urge for a vote in support of these amendments to finally put an end to the vicious war against the people of Yemen.

President Biden vowed in February to end support for Saudi Arabia’s “offensive” operations in Yemen. But it was revealed in April that the Pentagon is still servicing Saudi warplanes that are bombing Yemen. Without this support, Riyadh’s air force would quickly be grounded.

Last week, the State Department approved a $500 million contract to service Saudi helicopters, including Apache and Black Hawk attack helicopters, a sign that the Biden administration will not end support for the Saudi air force unless pressured by Congress.

Besides the military support, the U.S. has given the Saudis political cover to continue enforcing the blockade on Yemen. Conditions caused by the blockade and air campaign have caused widespread disease and mass starvation in the country. In February, the UN warned that 400,000 Yemeni children under the age of five will die of starvation in 2021 alone if conditions don’t change, which means hundreds of thousands of children could have already died this year.

The Yemen amendments have a good chance of succeeding, as similar efforts have passed through Congress in the past. In 2019, the House and Senate passed a War Powers Resolution that would have ended U.S. support for the war in Yemen, but the bill was vetoed by President Trump.

The House is also expected to vote on an amendment sponsored by Rep. Jamal Bowman (D-NY) that would prohibit a U.S. military presence in Syria without the approval of Congress.

This article was originally featured at Antiwar.com and is republished with permission.

Nullify COVID-19 Mandates Ep. 182

I imagine that many of you, like me are feeling angry and demoralized about Biden’s vaccination mandates last week. Many people I know are worried and their number one question is: What can I do? In this episode, I highlight uncanny parallels between the issues we are currently facing and the issues that the founding generation faced when fighting their war of secession from the British Empire. I also fill in the audience on what I am doing locally to fight these mandates and how they can replicate my efforts in their localities if they find them to be useful.

Also, before I get messages from the purest of pure anarchists out there, this is not the only method to resist. We must use every tool at our disposal. Lysander Spooner notwithstanding, a great number of people in this country still purport to believe in the Constitution.

If you want to skip to the concrete action portion of the video, the time stamp is 51:50

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Show Notes:

Draft COVID Resolutions

Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions Full Text

Thomas Paine: The American Crisis

Patrick Henry: Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death

William J. Watkins, Jr.: Reclaiming the American Revolution: The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions and Their Legacy

Episodes where I discuss Nullification, Judicial Review, and Watkins Jr.’s work

TGIF: Why Do We Question Motives?

I don’t know if we’re in the heyday of questioning the motives of people we disagree with rather than simply rebutting them–character assassination, that is–but it’s got me wondering why this is such a popular pastime these days. Think about how often we hear people’s motives impugned–even when they have impressive credentials–because of their positions on COVID-19, climate change, nutrition, racial policy–you name it. Considering motivation is not a bad thing per se, but too often it substitutes for a counterargument. That’s a confession of vacuity.

To oversimplify a bit, let’s assume that motives come in two flavors–virtuous and vicious. If someone defends a proposition that is easily refuted or has been repeatedly refuted before, we might wonder why that person defended it. Inquiring into the possible motives seems appropriate, but not before the claim is shown to be poor. Of course motives can vary widely, from money to vanity. It’s all too human a temptation to become invested in a position prematurely and then stick to it even after doubts have set in. No one is immune, not even natural scientists, medical experts, so-called public servants. People have livelihoods, reputations, and careers to look after. The mark of maturity is the ability to resist temptation.

On the other hand, if someone offers a serious and solid case for a proposition–one that deserves to be taken seriously–the early resort to motive-questioning ought to strike us as highly suspicious. This is especially so if the speculation about motives precedes any serious attempt to rebut the case. If the first salvo a critic launches is directed at motive, I have to assume that the critic can’t think of anything else to say. That obviously speaks volumes.

Really, why should the speaker’s motives or financing source matter? Who cares if the research was backed by someone with a horse in the race if the findings are solid? A good case is a good case, full stop. (See how physicist and climate optimist Willie Soon handles this issue.) Two kinds of financially self-interested people would want to finance supporting research: those who insincerely hold their position and want to lie to the public, and those who sincerely hold their position and want the truth to be disseminated. You can’t tell who is who merely by the mere fact that they’ve financed scientists to provide evidence. Why wouldn’t, say, a producer of fossil fuels want to defend his products? What counts is the quality of that evidence and the theoretical explanation of it.

It’s worth noting that people who seek government grants should be as open to motive-questioning as those who get their backing from business interests. Government officials for obvious reasons are apt to be more attracted to scientific research that seems to justify their expansion of power than to research that doesn’t. It’s the nature of the beast we call the state. Some researchers–they’re human after all–can be expected to act accordingly. Catastrophists of various stripes, by the way, ask us to believe something highly implausible: that people who know that an existential threat is looming pay other people to do bogus research that says otherwise for money. Really?

Even if an interested party’s case should fail we can still ask: who cares about motives? Talking about motives in these circumstances is a distraction, not to mention a low blow. Many past advocates have made strong arguments that were eventually shown to be wrong. Were all of them corrupt? Of course not. It should take more than a mistaken conclusion to presume corruption.

If you want to see character assassination on steroids, recall the Obama-era attempt to get the Justice Department to use the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO)–which was written with reference to organized crime–to gag people who reject climate-change alarmism, not just business firms but also think tanks and scientists. The grounds? “Knowingly deceiving on climate risk.” Other scientists have been subject to campaigns to get them fired. You can’t make this stuff up.

Observe the current controversies. For example, even highly credentialed people who reject the climate alarmists’ analyses are likely to be accused of being not just financed but corrupted by the fossil-fuel industry or by ideological think-tanks. Qualified epidemiologists and economists who questioned the hysteria and dominant policy response to the COVID-19 pandemic were accused of being libertarians (!) in the pay of wealthy benefactors. Why isn’t it enough to rebut their arguments? is it because a rebuttal wouldn’t do enough damage? Accusing someone of corruption–even when that accusation couldn’t withstand the slightest examination–might silence the target, as well as others of like mind, because no one likes being called, in effect, an intellectual prostitute or zealot. The chilling effect is well-known. Luckily not everyone is deterred, but we know that many are.

I want to be fair. It seems to me that the preference for character assassination over refutation is more common among what I’ll call the various “consensus catastrophe” caucuses than among their critics. I can’t say it never happens on the other side, but it seems exceedingly rare. I think a reason for this is that today’s consensus catastrophe caucuses, such as those regarding climate change and COVID-19, rest on fragile foundations. They rely on well-rebutted scientific claims and a manufactured consensus. The most famous case of a manufactured consensus is the much-debunked claim about the 97 percent of climate scientists. The big questions of course are: 97 percent of what population exactly and what do they agree on exactly? But invoking that big number works; it can be used to accuse even respected scientists of denying science. If you can’t refute your opponents, all you need to do is portray them as going against virtually all the authorities. To many people, that just sounds bad. “What’s wrong with that guy?” (Ignaz Semmelweis and Alfred Wegener, both of whom were proved to be correct, were also viciously attacked for denying the consensuses of their day regarding puerperal fever and continental drift respectively.)

Each time I hear a consensus invoked against opponents with arguments and evidence, I think of Chico Marx’s famous line: “Who you gonna believe: me or your own eyes?” I also think of Einstein’s reported response when told that 100 intellectuals had put their name to a book arguing that the theory of relativity was wrong: “Why 100 authors? If I were wrong, one would have been enough.”

If the first words out of a critic’s mouth include “consensus” or “motive,” I don’t want to hear anything else he has to say. Science–indeed, thinking!–isn’t about confirming consensuses. It’s about testing them against evidence. No one’s character should be questioned merely because he expresses doubt about even a widely believed scientific or other proposition, especially when it has the potential to impinge on individual liberty and well-being.

Haiti Earthquake Relief Comes with US Marines and COVID-19 Vaccines Ep. 180

Despite Washington’s decision not to deploy Marines to Haiti after the July assassination of Haitian president Jovenelle Moise, the devastation of last Saturday’s 7.2 earthquake has provided US leaders the cloak of humanitarian aid for doing just that. These Marines will be operating at the behest of USAID, a CIA cutout that disastrously coordinated humanitarian relief efforts after the 2010 earthquake. Haitian recovery emphatically needs a Haitian solution.

List of Local Haitian Relief Efforts

Episode 180 of the Liberty Weekly Podcast is Brought to you by:

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Show Notes:

Kim Ives: Washington Chooses Ariel Henry for PM as More Details about Moise Murder Emerge

TIME: The Death Toll From Haiti’s Earthquake Rises Above 2,200 People

CBC: Frustrations, violence flare in Haiti as earthquake survivors plead for aid

Patrick MacFarlane: Uncle Sam Must Cease Intervention in Haiti

RT: Biden to send Marines to guard US Embassy in Haiti, but says broader deployment ‘not on the agenda at this moment’

WTKR: USS Arlington departs Naval Station Norfolk for Haiti disaster relief after powerful earthquake

Haiti Liberte: Les marines débarqueront-ils à nouveau? Will the Marines Disembark again?

US State Department: U.S. Invasion and Occupation of Haiti, 1915–34

NACLA: Haiti’s Earthquakes Require a Haitian Solution

New York Times: Secret Programs Hurt Foreign Aid Efforts

The Grayzone: Cuba’s cultural counter-revolution: US gov’t-backed rappers, artists gain fame as ‘catalyst for current unrest’

Pando: The murderous history of USAID, the US Government agency behind Cuba’s fake Twitter clone

Noam Chomsky: Failed State: The Abuse of Power and the Assault on Democracy

CNN: Aristide says U.S. deposed him in ‘coup d’etat’

Rolling Stone: Beyond Relief: How the World Failed Haiti

ProPublica: How the Red Cross Raised Half a Billion Dollars for Haiti and Built Six Homes

Donor See

List of Local Haitian Relief Efforts

TGIF: Thinking about Energy

The UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) issued its sixth “assessment report” earlier this month. As usual it generated its share of alarmist headlines. The report is several thousand pages long, and I’m certainly not qualified to digest, much less judge, it. I do think it’s wise, however, to view the headlines and politicians’ statements about it critically. The poppycock quotient of rhetoric about the supposedly looming environmental catastrophe is extremely high, not to mention toxic.

At the risk of being accused of cherry-picking, I will point out that one expert on the matter, by no means unfriendly to the IPCC, Roger Pielke Jr. of the University of Colorado, writes, “Instead of apocalyptic warnings about ‘immediate risk’ a top line message of this report should be: Great News! The Extreme Scenario that IPCC Saw as Most Likely in 2013 is Now Judged Low Likelihood. I am actually floored that this incredible change in such a short time apparently hasn’t even been noticed, much less broadcast around the world.”

Instead, Pielke notes, UN Secretary General António Guterres said the report is “a code red for humanity” and that “billions of people [are] at immediate risk.” To which Pielke replies: Not only is this wrong, it is irresponsible. Nowhere does the IPCC report say that billions of people are at immediate risk.”

That’s from a guy who says if the IPCC didn’t exist, we’d need to invent it. (Pielke has a follow-up article here, and Nick Gillespie of Reason interviews him here.)

I don’t want to leave the impression that we nonspecialists should be agnostic on the climate question. The most prominent of the political solutions to the problems (real or imagined) associated with climate change would be unimaginably expensive for the world. So new problems–associated with poverty and liberty–would thereby arise. As Thomas Sowell points out, in our world, there are no solutions, only trade-offs. This is woefully unappreciated. I recall hearing an environmentalist say that the first law of ecology is: you can’t do just one thing. But he apparently forgot it in the next moment. That’s also a fundamental law of economics–and indeed all of life.

We face choices, and we must always ask those who propose “solutions”: at what cost–not just in money terms but in terms of human life and well-being?

Enter Alex Epstein, author of The Moral Case for Fossil Fuels and founder of the Center for Industrial Progress. (He has a sequel on the way, Our Fossil Future: Why Global Human Flourishing Requires More Oil, Coal, and Natural Gas–Not Less.) Epstein’s work is in the tradition of Julian Simon, author of The Ultimate Resource, whom Epstein acknowledges in his book. See a summary of Epstein’s book here.)

What I want to draw attention to is not his case for fossil fuels per se, which I find persuasive, but his “framework”–a word he is appropriately fond of–for thinking about energy and the environment. The importance of how one frames an issue may seem obvious, but how many people actually ask what the right framework is? Because of its dubious framework, Epstein sees the campaign against fossil fuels as riddled with bias, sloppiness (or vagueness), and an animus toward human beings. The last seems to account for the others.

Before we can decide whether something is good or bad, we need a standard. Good for what or whom? Moreover, in environmental matters it makes a difference whether you see mankind as an invader and destroyer of benignly stable nature or as a species that flourishes by taming often dangerously volatile nature, that is, making it a safer, more hospitable place.

In this regard, Epstein stresses the basic Simonian point that human beings don’t find and then deplete natural resources; rather they create them out of mere stuff, which does not come with a user manual. That makes human intelligence the “ultimate resource” (Simon’s term), a fact that an astounding corollary: as technology increases our efficiency in creating and using resources–as we learn to make more with a smaller quantity of resources–we in effect increase the supply of those resources, which we can use to make new things we couldn’t afford yesterday. In a way, human intelligence frees us from physical limitations. That takes the bite out of scary depletion scenarios.

You can see the implications for the controversy over energy. It is not enough to say that a given type of power has risks. We must be unbiased, meaning that we must look at the pros as well as the cons and compare them to other forms of energy; we must be specific about the magnitudes and probabilities of any actual risks; and, most important, we must judge the energy form by what it does on net for human welfare, not whether it interferes with nature. To live is to “interfere” with nature. For human beings, to live is to transform nature. What matters is whether change improves the prospects of human flourishing or undermines them.

Within this context Epstein goes on to the vindicate fossil fuels and argue that we need more (as well as nuclear and hydroelectric energy, which, oddly, are also opposed by most CO2-phobes). Oil, natural gas, and coal have provided abundant, inexpensive, and reliable energy that has been and remains life-saving. After all, energy underlies all production. The biggest challenge is to get them to the billions of people in the world who have no electricity or very little energy.

But what about the predicted apocalypse? We need to realize that the environmental alarmists’ record of predictions, which stretches back to antiquity, is pathetic. Moreover, the current state of the world does not support the dire scenarios. I’ll pick just two examples that Epstein emphasizes. First, deaths from the climate (extreme temperatures and extreme events) have been plummeting: a “98% decrease in the rate of climate-related deaths since significant CO2 emissions began 80 years ago.” Second, CO2, the most-feared greenhouse gas, is plant food not pollution. The earth is greening.

In summary, he writes, “Fossil fuel use doesn’t take a safe climate and make it dangerous, it takes a dangerous climate and makes it safe.” As a result, billions of people are alive today who otherwise could not be. Cutting back on fossil fuels would require an enormous human die-off. Who wants to volunteer? (No, unreliable and unscalable wind and solar apparently won’t fill the gap.)

This doesn’t mean that particular problems can’t arise: remember, there are no solutions, only trade-offs. The problems, however, should be addressed specifically (tort law has a role), while understanding that individual rights and freedom, private property, competitive markets, entrepreneurship, and the profit motive are the best ways to discover the best remedies.

TGIF: Evict the President

President Biden has reversed himself under pressure from his progressive flank and has given the go-ahead for a new moratorium on renter evictions throughout most of the United States for individuals making up to $99,000 a year (couples, $198,000). The twist is that Biden acknowledges that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), which reports to his secretary of health and human services, has no legal authority for the action.

Most courts have agreed about the lack of authority, syndicated columnist Jacob Sullum reports, and Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh said in June that congressional authorization would be required for an extension of the moratorium beyond last July. Despite that statement, the Supreme Court refused to lift a court’s stay of another judge’s ruling against the CDC’s move. Biden apparently figures that by the time the court thwarts him, he will have accomplished his objective of giving relief to renters.

Doesn’t that make Biden’s order an impeachable offense? Shouldn’t White House eviction proceedings begin in the Senate? Fat chance. Since it’s a non-Trump who now flouts the revered rule of law, it’s evidently okay. But let’s not forget that the first CDC moratorium on evictions came last year, while Trump was still in office. (Some states and localities had already imposed their own moratoriums.)

CDC chief Rochelle Walensky says the moratorium will save lives: it’s “the right thing to do to keep people in their homes and out of congregate settings where COVID-19 spreads.” In this case, that wins cheers from people who would condemn a similar statement (“it’s the right thing to do if X”) in the harshest terms had it come from an administration of the opposing party. That’s what passes for principle in politics.

Many objections could be made to the CDC order. It could be pointed out, for instance, that allegedly dubious estimates of the lives already saved and to be saved by a moratorium are used to justify it. In at least one case, the data used in a study were not released for independent verification. “These shoddy one-off studies are just ammunition for people who want to put a link saying ‘studies prove’ in their otherwise completely speculative articles,” Aaron Brown, a professor of statistics at New York University and the University of California, San Diego, said in a Reason commentary and video.

But even if the studies were trustworthy, would that justify a government’s agency’s nullification of landlord property rights through its own interpretation of the Public Health Service Act? And even if that interpretation accorded with the legislation’s stated intention, where did Congress’s power come from? These questions should matter in a society theoretically committed to the rule of law and individual rights, but they don’t matter much anymore.

If Congress and the CDC had the power they claim, imagine the floodgates that would open to wholesale violations of personal liberty. We have lived through the lockdowns rationalized by a pandemic, but that might end up looking like child’s play. Once we accept the government’s public-health assertions as grounds for mass house arrest and deprivation of property, we’re in big trouble.

It could also be noted that, by and large, landlords do not constitute an especially wealthy class and might well make less money than their tenants. Those property owners will suffer or try to raise rents on other tenants who are not in default–or both. But even if that were not the case, so what? As a rule, wealthy people have rights too, though I can think of places where that idea would be scoffed at.

Some might say that people who have trouble paying their rent have suffered because of the government’s lockdown response to the pandemic. I assume that’s true in some cases. The problem is that when politicians do bad things to people, the perpetrators don’t suffer the consequences. Rather, the costs of restitution, even when justified, fall on innocent parties: taxpayers, consumers (through inflation), and in this case, people who rent homes to others.

It goes without saying that the moratorium is popular with those who on principle oppose private property. But it doesn’t go nearly far enough for some people. We’ve heard calls not for just a temporary stay, but for the abolition of rent and “landlordism” (and mortgages). “Cancel the Rent” protests have been staged around the country.

Opposition to the freedom to rent one’s property to others is a classic case not only of disparaging freedom but of failing to look for what the 19th-century French liberal political economist Frédéric Bastiat called the unseen, or secondary, consequences of economic policy. One might feel good at the thought of rent being outlawed, but no one who thought for more than a moment would believe that would be the end of the story. Since the owners would be dispossessed, who would build housing henceforth? But more likely, any ban on renting would be gotten around by calling rent by another name. Why? Because property owners and would-be renters would want the relationship: it yields mutual gains. Not everyone wants the responsibility or burden of owning a home; much depends on a person’s stage of life and plans. The rental market permits much-appreciated flexibility. This would be true even if government did not make housing so expensive through elitist land-use controls like zoning and other regulations.

The long-term answer to the housing issue is the free market–which means repeal of all special-interest interventions that keep prices high. The short-term answer is to remove all the pandemic restrictions on economic activity. Meanwhile, let landlords and tenants work things out for themselves.

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https://youtu.be/D01d0j9rLkg It has often been said that war is the health of the State – but the argument could also be made that the reverse is more true: that the State is the health of war. In other words, that war – the greatest of all human evils – is impossible...

A Tribute to Great Minds – Walter Block, Ph.D.

https://youtu.be/f7q_dNJoaw4 The egalitarian revolt against biological reality, as significant as it is, is only a subset of a deeper revolt: against the ontological structure of reality itself, against the “very organization of nature”; against the universe as such....

The Most Despicable Profession – Michael Huemer, Ph.D.

https://youtu.be/vrzreDsVgMI Excerpt from Knowledge, Reality, and Value: A Mostly Common Sense Guide to Philosophy by Michael Huemer, Ph.D. Credulity Humans are born credulous – we instinctively believe what people tell us, even with no corroboration. We are...

Thomas Sowell | The Government Propaganda Formula

https://youtu.be/shCHqEaE6J4 What all these moral crusades have in common is their moral exaltation of the anointed above others, who are to have their very different views nullified and superseded by the views of the anointed, imposed via the power of government....

Liberty Weekly Podcast

Informed Consent and COVID19 ft. Sean Leal Ep. 187

https://youtu.be/-sUtbMumsNg Consent is a concept that is deeply rooted in the principle of self ownership. It is also a concept that progressives, especially those who support COVID totalitariansim, purport to care about. Author Sean Leal joins me to discuss issues...

Year Zero

RU Weekend w/Matt Erickson and Buck Johnson

After the RU Weekend in Lockhart I sat down with Matt Erickson and Buck Johnson to discuss the goings on of the weekend and I talk some shit… Buck Twitter Counterflow Podcast Matt Twitter Kingpilled Podcast Libertarian Institute 19 Skills Pdf Autonomy Course Critical...

Fatherhood w/Shane Hazel

Shane Hazel joined me once again to discuss fatherhood. We share some stories, some hard times, lessons learned, and how wonderful fatherhood has been for us. Shane Twitter Radical Podcast Libertarian Institute 19 Skills Pdf Autonomy Course Critical Thinking Course...

The Capacity For Evil w/Adam Patrick

Adam Patrick of Yer Talkin Over Me once again joined me. I really find conversations with Adam to be cathartic, and given it has been a couple weeks since I recorded a podcast I really needed to chat with someone about the ideas that are bouncing around in my head...

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